Showing posts with label Politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Politics. Show all posts

Tuesday, 18 October 2016

"Central Bankers Have Collectively Lost The Plot"

"The policies of any one central bank may well be perfectly rational.... But so is a decision by any one sheep to run with the flock when in danger. The trouble is that the whole flock might be heading for a cliff."

The quote above is from William Hague, former UK Foreign Secretary, who today is out with an article in The Telegraph critiquing quantitative easing- and low interest policies by central banks around the globe:

"In 2008 the central banks reacted to a massive crisis they had completely failed to foresee by cutting rates to record lows and embarking on “quantitative easing” – pumping trillions of dollars into their economies by buying up the assets of commercial banks. The trouble is that eight years later they are, to varying degrees, still doing it. Like doctors keeping their patients on a drip many years after an operation, they are losing credibility and producing very dangerous side effects."  

Hague correctly points out some of the "drawbacks" to these central bank policies, including: 
  • asset price inflation ("...they are blowing up a bubble of make-believe money...") benefiting the rich at the expense of the poor 
  • a reduction in company investments 
  • pension funds now generating insufficient returns
  • central banks giving preference to some companies over others through their buying of corporate bonds
  • "zombie" companies being kept artificially alive dragging down productivity 
  • a loss of public confidence in authorities
  • that the accumulating effects of loose monetary policy globally are intensely political - "...huge public and political anger is going to burst over the heads of the world’s central banks."

Excellent to see a political authority from the UK pointing out some of the grave side-effects and "unintended" consequences of monetary policies run wild around the globe. 

Saturday, 24 September 2016

Saturday, 2 April 2016

Something for The Week End: Mervyn King - The Previous King of Alchemy

Right. I have little respect for Mervyn King, the governor of the Bank of England from 2003 to 2013, as I sat in the hart of London in 2008 witnessing the flip-side of easy money policies. 


However, in an attempt to deal with a bad conscience, or perhaps he has simply woken up a little, in this interview he addresses some of the problems with money and banking (the alchemy bit). And that has some value, as a larger audience might now become more familiar with the problems of the current poverty-generating banking "model". In a longer session (here), he acknowledges that banks need substantially more equity capital.

Note: do not read his book, read the books of some of the masters of economics, banking and money instead, such as Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich A. Hayek.

Monday, 22 February 2016

Whatever it Takes?

By Sean Corrigan

In the midst of all the recent uproar, one anonymous Twitterer seized his chance to have his Uber-Warholian, 140-characters-of-fame moment and thundered: ‘Central banks are losing control of this market!’ no doubt eliciting whatever the social media equivalent of a cry of ‘Hear! Hear!’ and an approbatory nodding of the head might be from among his followers. 

In truth, that such a sentiment could even be expressed shows how far from grace we have fallen. It truly is a thing of wonder that a small, secretive panel of bureaucrats, career politicians, and largely second-string—if comfortably conformist—academics should be thought to have the duty—as well as, Saints preserve us, the means at their disposal—to ensure that no-one speculating in financial markets should ever suffer a serious loss, or that no company’s share price or bond spread should ever move in too adverse a fashion. 

Though the history of central banks is nothing if not a tale of unplanned interventions, derogations from the law, behind-closed-doors horse-trading, and hazardous improvisation—often spiced up with a decent dose of personal and institutional favouritism—it has surely never previously been assumed that their role is to act as playground supervisors in quite this way. 

Yes, it has been their lot firstly to keep the domestic currency convertible into the international ones of gold or US dollars and, by extension, for trying to manage the balance of payments. Yes, they have gained their often lucrative prerogatives by dint of the assistance they could offer to their sovereign in his conduct of what we would now recognise as fiscal policy. Yes, they have been called in to act as lender of last resort when less privileged banks have pushed the heady temptations offered by fractional reserve banking too far beyond the bounds of prudence. 



Thursday, 3 September 2015

A Not So New Reason For Avoiding "I"

But I've also noticed a new reason for avoiding "I": Americans are unwilling to go out on a limb. A generation ago our leaders told us where they stood and what they believed. Today they perform strenuous verbal feats to escape that fate. Watch them wriggle through TV interviews without committing themselves.

William K. Zinsser, On Writing Well (from 2001)

Tuesday, 21 July 2015

The Chimera of Contracyclical Policies

By Ludwig von Mises

An essential element of the “unorthodox” doctrines, advanced both by all socialists and by all interventionists, is that the recurrence of depressions is a phenomenon inherent in the very operation, of the market economy. But while the socialists contend that only the substitution of socialism for capitalism can eradicate the evil, the interventionists ascribe to the government the power to correct the operation of the market economy in such a way as to bring about what they call “economic stability.” These interventionists would be right if their antidepression plans were to aim at a radical abandonment of credit expansion policies. However, they reject this idea in advance. What they want is to expand credit more and more and to prevent depressions by the adoption of special “contracyclical” measures.

In the context of these plans the government appears as a deity that stands and works outside the orbit of human affairs, that is independent of the actions of its subjects, and has the power to interfere with these actions from without. It has at its disposal means and funds that are not provided by the people and can be freely used for whatever purposes the rulers are prepared to employ them for. What is needed to make the most beneficent use of this power is merely to follow the advice given by the experts.

Sunday, 22 March 2015

Decline of the Rule of Law

By F.A. Hayek

Political wisdom, dearly bought by the bitter experience of generations, is often lost through the gradual change in the meaning of the words which express its maxims.  Though the phrases themselves may continue to receive lip service, they are slowly denuded of their original significance until they are dropped as empty and commonplace.  Finally, an ideal for which people have passionately fought in the past falls into oblivion because it lacks a generally understood name. If the history of political concepts is in general of interest only to the specialist, in such situations there is often no other way of discovering what is happening in our time than to go back to the source in order to recover the original meaning of the debased verbal coin which we still use.  Today this is certainly true of the conception of the Rule of Law which stood for the Englishman’s ideal of liberty, but which seems now to have lost both its meaning and its appeal.

Continue reading the article here.

Thursday, 12 March 2015

The Race to Negative Yields

Wednesday, 18 February 2015

A World In Debt

By Sean Corrigan

In his magisterial 1936 work, ‘A World in Debt‘, Freeman Tilden treated the business of contracting a loan with a heavy serving of well-deserved irony, describing how the debtor gradually mutates from a man thankful, at the instant of receiving the funds, for having found such a wise philanthropist as is his lender to one soon becoming a little anxious that the time for renewal is fast approaching. From there, he turns to the comfort of self-justification, undertaking a little mental debt-to-equity conversion in persuading himself that his soon-to-be disappointed creditor was, after all, in the way of a partner in their joint undertaking and so consciously accepted a share of the associated risks.

Next he adopts an air of righteous indignation at the idea that he really must redeem his obligation on the due date, before rapidly giving into a growing fury in contemplation of how this wicked usurer has duped him into contracting for something he cannot hope to fulfil, as so many poor fools before him have similarly been entrapped by this veritable shark.

Likewise, our author quotes the 19th century utilitarian, Jeremy Bentham, to much the same effect.

‘Those who have the resolution to sacrifice the present to the future are natural objects of envy’ for those who have done the converse, our sage declared, like children still with a cake are for those who have already scoffed theirs. ‘While the money is hoped for… he who lends it is a friend and benefactor: by the time the money is spent and the evil hour of reckoning is come, the benefactor is found to… have put on the tyrant and the oppressor.’

Here we should realise the pointlessness of trying to decide whether the Greeks or the Germans are at fault in the present impasse and press on toward the crux of the matter. As Tilden rightly argued about the consequences of a bust:-

‘It follows that any scheme looking towards the avoidance of panics and depressions must deal with this cause [viz., debt] and any plan that does not do so is not only idle, but may be a dangerous adventure.’

Continue reading the article here.

Thursday, 12 February 2015

IMF Monetary Policy Analysis course

This course is now open for registrations at the IMF Institute. Here's the course description (my bold):
This two-week course, presented by the IMF's Institute for Capacity Development, addresses demand for training in the area of forward-looking, model-based monetary policy analysis and is centered on a reduced-form, New Keynesian model. Participants are exposed to the theoretical foundations of New Keynesian macroeconomics and reflection thereof in a model that is akin to those used in central banks in both advanced and emerging market countries. The model is then re-calibrated and taken to the selected-country data for policy analysis and forecast. Attention is paid to filtering of data in a multivariate framework (Kalman filtration) and near-term forecasts. Participants are divided daily into small groups, under the direction of counselors, to conduct workshop exercises aimed at practicing the techniques presented in lectures. The approach followed in the course does not favor any particular monetary regime. Rather, it presents modeling alternatives to be used in the case of a floating exchange rate and a pegged exchange rate, as well as in the case of incomplete control of the money market. 
I will not register myself as I am not particularly interested in macro-economic quackery. 

Tuesday, 16 December 2014

The Case For Monetary Freedom And Free Banking

By Dr Richard M. Ebeling

There has been no greater threat to life, liberty, and property throughout the ages than government. Even the most violent and brutal private individuals have been able to inflict only a mere fraction of the harm and destruction that have been caused by the use of power by political authorities.

The pursuit of legal plunder, to use Frédéric Bastiat’s well-chosen phrase, has been behind all the major economic and political disasters that have befallen mankind throughout history.

Read the article published on The Cobden Centre here.

Wednesday, 10 December 2014

Avoid This “Hideously Expensive” Market

By Bill Bonner, Chairman, Bonner & Partners

Dear Diary,

The Dow plunged 51 points yesterday. Gold surged $37.10 – or 3.1% – to settle at $1,232 an ounce.

The US stock market is “hideously expensive,” says value investor James Montier at Boston-based investment firm GMO.

He’s not wrong about that. But we have a feeling it’s going to be even more hideous before this story reaches its end.

When it is so hideous that to look upon it sends us running to a public toilet and retching, that is when it will be most loved by everyone.

This is the story of human hubris (a classic in Greek drama), wherein man oversteps his boundaries and brings down upon himself the fury of wrathful gods.

Yellen, Draghi, Kuroda, Carney, Zhou – the protagonists think they are “wiser than God.”
They think they know that people would be better off spending their money rather than saving it… that prices should be rising not falling… and that, by propping up the price of financial assets with credit easing, they will cause real growth and real prosperity.

Continue reading the article here.

Friday, 9 May 2014

Henry Hazlitt on the "Strikebreakers"

If the strikebreakers consist merely of professional thugs who themselves threaten violence, or who cannot in fact do the work, or if they are being paid a temporarily higher rate solely for the purpose of making a pretense of carrying on until the old workers are frightened back to work at the old rates, the hatred may be warranted. But if they are in fact merely men and women who are looking for permanent jobs and willing to accept them at the old rate, then they are workers who would be shoved into worse jobs than these in order to enable the striking workers to enjoy better ones. And this superior position for the old employees could continue to be maintained, in fact, only by the ever-present threat of force.
Henry Hazlitt, Economics in One Lesson 

Friday, 25 April 2014

The Big, Bad Market: A French Psychosis?

By Louis Rouanet

There’s austerity in France, but it’s only austerity for the people while the state feasts on ever-increasing taxes. This was not always true among the French who once vehemently opposed income taxes. Today, however, the French government, with the approval of the people, continues to wage a war against capital.

Read the article here.

Wednesday, 9 April 2014

The winner of the IEA Brexit Prize

Iain Mansfield, the Director of Trade and Investment at the UK’s embassy in the Philippines, was yesterday announced as the winner of the IEA Brexit Prize.

The Brexit Prize was an open competition and people were "invited to compose a Blueprint for Britain outside the EU, covering the process of withdrawal from the EU and the post-exit repositioning of the UK in the global trading and governance systems".

Here's the summary of the winning entry:
Exiting from the EU should be used as an opportunity to embrace openness. The UK should pursue free trade agreements with major trading nations such as China, the USA and Russia and deepen its engagement with organisations such as the G8, G20 and OECD. In Europe, a priority must be to secure open trade relations, ideally by membership of the European Free Trade Area, though remaining outside the European Economic Area. Bilateral strategic relationships with allies such as Australia, Canada and France, as well as emerging powers in Asia and Latin America, should be cultivated.
Domestically, a ‘Leaving the EU’ Bill should be brought forward rapidly, to implement the legal secession from the EU two years after activation of Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty. Separately, a ‘Great Repeal Bill’, based upon the Public Bodies Act (2011), should be enacted, bringing about within three years the comprehensive review and, where appropriate, repeal, of regulation of EU origin with the aim of lessening the bureaucratic burden on business, the public sector and third sector. Administratively, the Government will need to strengthen its capacity in a wide range of areas from trade negotiations to anti-trust enforcement. Current levels of funding from the EU to sectors and regions should initially be maintained domestically, including in agriculture, to prevent economic shocks whilst the surplus should be recycled to help pay down the deficit. Measures such as tax breaks and supply-side incentives would help preserve the UK’s position as the number one inward investment destination in Europe.
The outcome would be to accelerate the shifting pattern of UK’s exports and total trade away from the EU to the emerging markets, where the majority of the world’s growth is located. A more business friendly regulatory regime and the new security of the City of London from European interference will enhance competitiveness and compensate for the partial loss of access to European markets. The total long-term impact is estimated to be between -2.6% and +1.1% of GDP, with a best estimate of +0.1%. Although the years immediately surrounding the exit are likely to feature some degree of market uncertainty, if the right measures are taken the UK can be confident of a healthy long- term economic outlook outside the EU.
Read more about the announcement and read the full paper here

Tuesday, 4 March 2014

The Scandal of Machiavelli or The Iron Law of Politics

By Pedro Schwartz

For historians of political thought, the year 2013 was the 500th anniversary of the writing of The Prince by Niccolò Machiavelli. It was an occasion to fight it out with the great Florentine. I still have not got over the shock of reading The Prince as a student in Franco's Spain. The idealistic young man that I was did not know how to counter Machiavelli's implacable logic. True, times had changed and the crimes of a Borgia were not countenanced. But what if the spirit of politics, even democratic politics, was as Machiavelli had described? Was there nothing else to be said about competition for power but that it was the kind of savage game he described? When democracy was restored in Spain I was elected to Parliament as a lonely libertarian in a conservative ticket. I was not cut out for the job and did not stay long. Does this mean that I had not understood and digested the lessons of The Prince?

I. An eventful life and a complex personality

Niccolò Machiavelli was born in Florence on May 3, 1469, in a family of the lower nobility and modest means. His father Bernard Machiavelli was a natural son, a condition which weighed on our author's political career. Little is known about Niccolò's education and early life in Republican Florence, except that he became a distinguished civil servant when he was thirty. His means were always modest: his salary while employed at the Signoria and a house and some land in the village of Sant' Andrea di Percussina in the borough of San Cassiano.

The situation of relative isolation of the affairs of central Italy changed in 1494, when the King Charles III of France came over the Alps with his army to claim the Kingdom of Naples for himself. The Medici were forced to leave Florence for a long exile of almost twenty years. In the wake of the French, the traditional allies of democratic Florence, the Republic was restored. For a period the acetic priest Savonarola lorded over the populace. He ended by being burnt at the stake. The institutions of the Republic were thus restored in 1498 and Machiavelli, at the age of 29, was made the head of the Second Chancellery of the Signoria, in charge of military and foreign affairs. It is not known why he was offered such a high post. This was the beginning of a distinguished diplomatic and military career.


In 1500 he took part in the first of his many missions to the court of the King of France. He met Cesare Borgia in 1502, again as part of the mission the Signoria sent to deflect the ambitions of the Duke of Valentinois or "il Valentino", as he was generally called, from carving a dukedom for himself in Romagna at the expense of Florence among other cities. It is when following Valentino that Machiavelli came to distinguish two factors in attaining and maintaining supreme power in a new kingdom: Fortuna and Virtù—on the one hand luck and on the other what the Romans called virtus, courage, decisiveness, ambition, and ruthlessness. Machiavelli's admiration for the Duke was born during those negotiations—an admiration that grew when he witnessed how ruthless he was towards his enemies and how attentive to the needs of the cities he acquired. Thus, his lieutenant in Romagna, Ramiro de Lorca had proved himself efficient but cruel. To distance himself from such an unpopular strongman he had him beheaded and left in the public square of Cesena, carved like an ox. Machiavelli also recounted Cesare's revenge at Sinigallia with admiration, in a piece of 1503 he had titled "Description of the way that Duke Valentino killed Vitellozzo Vitelli, Oliverotto da Fermo, Paolo Orsisni and the Duke of Gravina-Orsini" the gist of which he inserted in The Prince. Borgia attracted the four plotters to the castle of Senigallia under false pretenses and had them strangled. Machiavelli in The Prince drew the moral of this story with the following words: "And because this part is worthy of notice and of being imitated by others, I do not want to pass it over" (The Prince, Chapter VII). What he was implying is that, in relations among states and princes force was decisive, in contrast with private life.

Read the rest here.

Count The Zeros If You Can: Bank of Japan Total Assets (as of Feb-2014)

Graph of Bank of Japan: Total Assets for Japan

Friday, 28 February 2014

What Is Monetarism?

This website is generally dedicated to the branches of economics advocating the free market, especially Austrian Economics. The way I see things, this is proper economics, or real economics if you like, as opposed to Keynesian and Monetarism which I view more as a branch of politics. Why? Because the former is in favour of government spending when "aggregate demand" falls below some level while the latter does not condone a central bank controlling the money supply (the interest rate is a price as well and money is a good- controlling both is a form of socialism and is definitely government intervention).

It must be said however that no matter which "school of economics" you stick with in your heart (if everyone instead used their brains and consistently applied their common sense, we would all be "Austrians" by now) it's always useful to be aware what the other branches believe.

This morning I came across an article published by the IMF yesterday which I thought nicely sums ups some of the key tenets of monetarism. Below is the article published in full.
-----


Its emphasis on money’s importance gained sway in the 1970s

Just how important is money? Few would deny that it plays a key role in the economy.­

But one school of economic thought, called monetarism, maintains that the money supply (the total amount of money in an economy) is the chief determinant of current dollar GDP in the short run and the price level over longer periods. Monetary policy, one of the tools governments have to affect the overall performance of the economy, uses instruments such as interest rates to adjust the amount of money in the economy. Monetarists believe that the objectives of monetary policy are best met by targeting the growth rate of the money supply. Monetarism gained prominence in the 1970s—bringing down inflation in the United States and United Kingdom—and greatly influenced the U.S. central bank’s decision to stimulate the economy during the global recession of 2007–09.­

Today, monetarism is mainly associated with Nobel Prize–winning economist Milton Friedman. In his seminal work A Monetary History of the United States, 1867–1960, which he wrote with fellow economist Anna Schwartz in 1963, Friedman argued that poor monetary policy by the U.S. central bank, the Federal Reserve, was the primary cause of the Great Depression in the United States in the 1930s. In their view, the failure of the Fed (as it is usually called) to offset forces that were putting downward pressure on the money supply and its actions to reduce the stock of money were the opposite of what should have been done. They also argued that because markets naturally move toward a stable center, an incorrectly set money supply caused markets to behave erratically.­

Monetarism gained prominence in the 1970s. In 1979, with U.S. inflation peaking at 20 percent, the Fed switched its operating strategy to reflect monetarist theory. But monetarism faded in the following decades as its ability to explain the U.S. economy seemed to wane. Nevertheless, some of the insights monetarists brought to economic analysis have been adopted by nonmonetarist economists.


At its most basic

The foundation of monetarism is the Quantity Theory of Money. The theory is an accounting identity—that is, it must be true. It says that the money supply multiplied by velocity (the rate at which money changes hands) equals nominal expenditures in the economy (the number of goods and services sold multiplied by the average price paid for them). As an accounting identity, this equation is uncontroversial. What is controversial is velocity. Monetarist theory views velocity as generally stable, which implies that nominal income is largely a function of the money supply. Variations in nominal income reflect changes in real economic activity (the number of goods and services sold) and inflation (the average price paid for them).

The quantity theory is the basis for several key tenets and prescriptions of monetarism:

Long-run monetary neutrality: An increase in the money stock would be followed by an increase in the general price level in the long run, with no effects on real factors such as consumption or output.­

Short-run monetary nonneutrality: An increase in the stock of money has temporary effects on real output (GDP) and employment in the short run because wages and prices take time to adjust (they are sticky, in economic parlance).­

Constant money growth rule: Friedman, who died in 2006, proposed a fixed monetary rule, which states that the Fed should be required to target the growth rate of money to equal the growth rate of real GDP, leaving the price level unchanged. If the economy is expected to grow at 2 percent in a given year, the Fed should allow the money supply to increase by 2 percent. The Fed should be bound to fixed rules in conducting monetary policy because discretionary power can destabilize the economy.­

Interest rate flexibility: The money growth rule was intended to allow interest rates, which affect the cost of credit, to be flexible to enable borrowers and lenders to take account of expected inflation as well as the variations in real interest rates.­

Many monetarists also believe that markets are inherently stable in the absence of major unexpected fluctuations in the money supply. They also assert that government intervention can often destabilize the economy more than help it. Monetarists also believe that there is no long-run trade-off between inflation and unemployment because the economy settles at long-run equilibrium at a full employment level of output (see “What Is the Output Gap?” in the September 2013 F&D).­

The great debate

Although monetarism gained in importance in the 1970s, it was critiqued by the school of thought that it sought to supplant—Keynesianism. Keynesians, who took their inspiration from the great British economist John Maynard Keynes, believe that demand for goods and services is the key to economic output. They contend that monetarism falters as an adequate explanation of the economy because velocity is inherently unstable and attach little or no significance to the quantity theory of money and the monetarist call for rules. Because the economy is subject to deep swings and periodic instability, it is dangerous to make the Fed slave to a preordained money target, they believe—the Fed should have some leeway or “discretion” in conducting policy. Keynesians also do not believe that markets adjust to disruptions and quickly return to a full employment level of output.­

Keynesianism held sway for the first quarter century after World War II. But the monetarist challenge to the traditional Keynesian theory strengthened during the 1970s, a decade characterized by high and rising inflation and slow economic growth. Keynesian theory had no appropriate policy responses, while Friedman and other monetarists argued convincingly that the high rates of inflation were due to rapid increases in the money supply, making control of the money supply the key to good policy.­

In 1979, Paul A. Volcker became chairman of the Fed and made fighting inflation its primary objective. The Fed restricted the money supply (in accordance with the Friedman rule) to tame inflation and succeeded. Inflation subsided dramatically, although at the cost of a big recession.­

Monetarism had another triumph in Britain. When Margaret Thatcher was elected prime minister in 1979, Britain had endured several years of severe inflation. Thatcher implemented monetarism as the weapon against rising prices, and succeeded in halving inflation, to less than 5 percent by 1983.­
But monetarism’s ascendance was brief. The money supply is useful as a policy target only if the relationship between money and nominal GDP, and therefore inflation, is stable and predictable. That is, if the supply of money rises, so does nominal GDP, and vice versa. To achieve that direct effect, though, the velocity of money must be predictable.­

In the 1970s velocity increased at a fairly constant rate and it appeared that the quantity theory of money was a good one (see chart). The rate of growth of money, adjusted for a predictable level of velocity, determined nominal GDP. But in the 1980s and 1990s velocity became highly unstable with unpredictable periods of increases and declines. The link between the money supply and nominal GDP broke down, and the usefulness of the quantity theory of money came into question. Many economists who had been convinced by monetarism in the 1970s abandoned the approach.
Most economists think the change in velocity’s predictability was primarily the result of changes in banking rules and other financial innovations. In the 1980s banks were allowed to offer interest-earning checking accounts, eroding some of the distinction between checking and savings accounts. Moreover, many people found that money markets, mutual funds, and other assets were better alternatives to traditional bank deposits. As a result, the relationship between money and economic performance changed.

Relevant still

Still, the monetarist interpretation of the Great Depression was not entirely forgotten. In a speech during a celebration of Milton Friedman’s 90th birthday in late 2002, then-Fed governor Ben S. Bernanke, who would become chairman four years later, said, “I would like to say to Milton and Anna [Schwartz]: Regarding the Great Depression, you’re right. We [the Fed] did it. We’re very sorry. But thanks to you, we won’t do it again.” Fed Chairman Bernanke mentioned the work of Friedman and Schwartz in his decision to lower interest rates and increase money supply to stimulate the economy during the global recession that began in 2007 in the United States. Prominent monetarists (including Schwartz) argued that the Fed stimulus would lead to extremely high inflation. Instead, velocity dropped sharply and deflation is seen as a much more serious risk.­

Although most economists today reject the slavish attention to money growth that is at the heart of monetarist analysis, some important tenets of monetarism have found their way into modern nonmonetarist analysis, muddying the distinction between monetarism and Keynesianism that seemed so clear three decades ago. Probably the most important is that inflation cannot continue indefinitely without increases in the money supply, and controlling it should be a primary, if not the only, responsibility of the central bank.­ ■

Sarwat Jahan is an Economist and Chris Papageorgiou is a Deputy Division Chief in the IMF’s Strategy, Policy, and Review Department.

Saturday, 15 February 2014

Chart of the Day: Whom is QE for Again? Monetary Base and M2 Money Supply for Japan

As of November 2013

Monday, 20 January 2014

Reckless Government Spending

In 1950, Ludwig von Mises wrote,
Nearly all governments are now committed to reckless spending, and finance their deficits by issuing additional quantities of unredeemable paper money and by boundless credit expansion.
Here we are some 64 years later (almost three generations) and governments are more committed than ever in doing exactly that. People are truly their own worst enemy.